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Advocates Stand Up Against AstraZeneca to Save Drug Discount Program for Vulnerable Populations

Wilmington Protest, Wed., Oct. 14th – 12 noon – 1:00 pm ET

Dozens of concerned healthcare advocates from across the northeast region protest AstraZeneca, one of five U.S. based pharmaceutical companies that have cut back on the number of drugs they provide through the 340B federal drug discount program

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Wilmington Protest, Wed., Oct. 14th – 12 noon – 1:00 pm ET

Dozens of concerned healthcare advocates from across the northeast region protest AstraZeneca, one of five U.S. based pharmaceutical companies that have cut back on the number of drugs they provide through the 340B federal drug discount program.

Healthcare advocates from across the northeast region will protest the recent actions of AstraZeneca, in cutting back the number of critical life-saving drugs provided at discounted rates to non-profit healthcare providers, through the federal 340B drug discount program.


Protest against AstraZeneca




AstraZeneca’s Corporate Office


1800 Concord Pike, Wilmington, DE 19803


NOTE: The protest will take place at the intersection of Powder Mill Road & Route 22




Tomorrow, Wednesday, October 14, 2020


12noon – 1pm (EDT)




Healthcare advocates from across the Northeast Region

The federal 340B Drug Discount Program is a lifeline that allows safety net providers, including HIV/AIDS clinics receiving funding through the Ryan White program, to obtain prescription drugs at below-retail prices. The program was established with bipartisan support as part of the Veterans Health Care Act of 1992. With 340B savings, Ryan White clinics are able to stretch their grant funds, offer a wider range of services, and improve the quality of care persons living with HIV/AIDS receive. The program also benefits qualified 340B covered entities such as non-profit rural health facilities, community clinics and children’s hospitals that serve vulnerable populations.

Tomorrow’s protest, led by healthcare advocates from AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF), follows a lawsuit filed by Ryan White Clinics for 340B Access (RWC-340B) against the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, to require the HHS secretary to take action against AstraZeneca and three other pharmaceutical companies, including Eli Lilly, Novartis and the U.S. division of Sanofi-Aventis which are illegally withholding drugs they are required to sell through the 340B program. With tomorrow’s protest, AHF is demanding that these greedy pharmaceutical companies stop their bullying tactics that will have a devastating impact on the healthcare and well-being of our most vulnerable populations (see LITIGATION PRESS RELEASE). RWC340B also recently released a study on the potential adverse impact of policies reducing resources to Ryan White clinics, see WHITE PAPER, PRESS RELEASE, and FACT SHEET.

“AstraZeneca has launched an assault on a federal drug discount program essential to the safety net of our nation’s health care,” stated John Hassell, AHF’s national director of advocacy. “They are messing with the numerous health care centers

Whether or not Amy Coney Barrett gets on the Supreme Court, abortion rights should stand

Judge Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trumps nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court, meets with Sen. Kevin Cramer, R-N.D., on Capitol Hill in Washington, Thursday, Oct. 1, 2020. (Erin Scott/Pool via AP)
Judge Amy Coney Barrett, President Trump’s nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court, is shown on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 1. (Erin Scott / Pool via Associated Press)

For nearly half a century, women in the United States have had a constitutional right to a safe and legal abortion.  And for most of that time, abortion opponents have been trying to take it away. Even as millions of women have availed themselves of that right, nothing short of a war has been waged on their access to abortion. The results include a congressional ban (called the Hyde Amendment) on federal money for abortions and a patchwork of unnecessary state laws that have forced numerous abortion providers to shut down and left some states with a single clinic.

U.S. District Judge Lee Yeakel aptly summarized the situation in 2013 when he issued an injunction against a Texas law that would have imposed new demands on abortion providers. Abortion, Yeakel wrote, “is the most divisive issue to face this country since slavery.”

But opponents have yet to dislodge the bedrock of abortion rights: the Supreme Court’s holding in Roe vs. Wade (1973) that the 14th Amendment guarantees a right to privacy, which includes the right to have an abortion.

Before Roe, women were at the mercy of laws handed down by a profoundly patriarchal, sexist society that believed the conception of a fetus was a sacrosanct event and that women were simply the vessels that carry it. Only four states had legalized abortion for any reason. In other states it was completely outlawed or permitted only if the woman’s life or mental health was in peril.

For many women, that meant a harrowing and often fruitless search for someone — preferably a medical doctor — who would perform an abortion illegally, often for a preposterous fee. A Guttmacher Institute researcher

estimated that in 1972 alone, 130,000 women obtained illegal or self-induced procedures, 39 of whom died; from 1972 to 1974, the mortality rate due to illegal abortion for nonwhite women was 12 times that for white women.

In the years since then, the basic tenet of Roe has been reaffirmed by the court over and over again. Revisiting the issue nearly two decades later, the high court said in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs. Casey (1992) that women have a right to an abortion up to the point when the fetus was viable, although beyond that point, the government has an interest in protecting both the fetus and the woman’s health.  That decision set an important standard: a law cannot be enacted simply to place a substantial obstacle or burden in the way of an abortion. 

Yeakel applied that standard when he blocked the Texas law, which would have required doctors who provided abortions to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals and abortion clinics to be outfitted like ambulatory surgical centers. The Supreme Court agreed in Whole Woman’s Health vs. Hellerstedt (2016), dismissing the law as a

Why Donald Trump’s Aides Don’t Stand Up to Him

Few would dare. Inside the White House, aides created a kind of alternative reality in which the threat is always receding, the boss always prevailing. In meetings with the president, “no one likes to tell him that some areas are catching fire” because of the virus, another senior administration official told me. “They only say, ‘Oh, we’re turning the corner.’ That goes on there all the time. There’s always a reluctance to talk about bad news. That permeates all the discussions.”

Olivia Troye attended every meeting of the White House’s coronavirus task force until her resignation in August. Signs posted in the West Wing urged people to wear masks, which sat in a basket near one of the entrances. Yet she felt conspicuous peer pressure to forgo them, which is likely how Trump wanted it. He practices a kind of mask avoidance, and his staff followed suit. Wearing a mask protects you and everyone around you, but for Trump it’s visual proof of an outbreak that’s still not contained. Waiting to meet with Vice President Mike Pence, head of the coronavirus task force, Troye would feel the judgmental gaze of barefaced colleagues walking past. “You’re the only one sitting there with a mask,” she said. “It’s very close quarters, and I won’t lie, there were times when I caved” and removed the mask. “You feel self-conscious.” (Administration officials have described her as a “disgruntled employee.” A 43-year-old Republican, she now supports Joe Biden’s candidacy.)

Over and over, the White House downplayed the danger in order to placate Trump. One episode that stands out for me was a news conference this summer in the Rose Garden. At first the chairs were spaced apart, in keeping with social-distancing guidelines. Then White House staff came and scrunched them together, creating an agreeable aesthetic that suggested the virus is in retreat. “Even you, I notice you’re starting to get much closer together,” Trump said, as if it were the journalists’ idea to arrange the seats so that they’re at increased risk of getting sick. “Looks much better, I must say.” (So much for appearances: Today, the White House is the world’s most famous hot spot. Trump is infected, as is the first lady, and some senior aides and the reporters who cover them.)

Behind closed doors, aides have been complicit in much the same sort of denialism. Troye recalls a coronavirus task force meeting in which Trump ignored the agenda and spent nearly an hour complaining about Fox News. The conversation veered back to the virus, but Trump interjected later and demanded that one of his aides call the network to complain. “Who’s going to call?” he said, Troye recalled. “We’ll take care of it, sir,” an aide replied. “He surrounds himself with people who he knows will let him have his way,” Troye said. “That’s the environment he created.”

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Where Things Stand In September

ORLAND PARK, IL — September is officially behind us, but COVID-19, not so much. The pandemic has been upon us for over six months and cases continue to fluctuate in various area’s around the world.

John Hopkins University and Medicine reports there have been a total of 34,020,904 COVID-19 cases around the world— as of Oct. 1. Over seven-million of those cases are here in the United States. When it comes to counties in the U.S., the university reported Cook County has the third largest amount of COVID-19 cases, at 145,462, as of Sept. 30.

The Illinois Department of Public Health reported that there are 1,632 people across Illinois in the hospital for COVID-19 or are under investigation. About 7% of hospital beds are being occupied by these patients and 378 these patients are in the ICU, as of Sept. 30.

Here is a look and what COVID-19 was like during the month of September for the Village of Orland Park, according to the Cook County Department of Public Health.

Orland Park

  • Since the start of the pandemic there have been a total of 1,274 confirmed COVID-19 cases in Orland Park. In August, there was a total of 926 cases reported in Orland Park, since the start of the pandemic.

  • In the past week, the village recorded 68 positive cases of COVID-19.

  • The weekly case rate is 120 cases per 100,000 people.

  • The percent change in confirmed cases in the past two weeks is +24.2%.

For additional information on the number of cases reported in Orland Park, visit the Cook County Department of Public Heath website.

This article originally appeared on the Orland Park Patch

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